ial And Welfare Reforms1906-1911 Bring About Conflict With The House of Lords?Between the years of 1906 and 1911, the Asquith led Liberal Governmenttried to implement a number of reforms. The majority of these reforms metopposition in the House of Lords. It appeared that everything the LiberalParty tried to implement was rejected almost without reason by theConservative majority in the Lords. The Conservative Party was at the timeled by Balfour, relations with Ireland were strained and Europe itself wasunstable. Society had become eager for new reforms to be introduced and theidea of the slightly more radical Liberal government bringing about thechanges excited the majority of the British public.
OThe Liberal government was elected in 1906 and won with a large majority. With support from the Irish Nationalist Party and the Labour Party it hadcontrol of the democratically elected House of Commons. However, the Houseof Lords in 1906 had 591 members of which 561 were hereditary peers. Twothirds of the peers were Conservatives.
This gave the Conservatives apermanent handle on the direction of the country. Since as early as 1890,the Liberals had been unhappy with the state of constitution inBritain. cobg bgr sebgbgw orbg bgk inbg fobg bg. In 1906 the Education Bill and the Plural Voting Bill passed through theCommons with relative ease, both Bills however were rejected by the Lordsand as such couldn’t become law. There appeared to be nothing that theLiberals could do to counter the House of Lord’s actions.
When in 1908 theLords rejected the Licensing Bill, designed to cut down the number ofPublic Houses, which were seen to be a large cause of Poverty in Britain atthe time, Campbell-Bannerman fumed and warned the Lords that if theycontinued to reject all the reforms set by the Liberals then he would takemeasures to reduce their powers. However, the Liberals managed to squeezethe Old Age Pensions Bill through the Lords, as it was a Finance Bill, thebill meant that a larger majority of the elderly could qualify for a statepension. coae aer seaeaew orae aek inae foae ae!It appeared as if the Lords were putting their own interests first, aheadof the interests of the millions of people they were meant to berepresenting. They were supposed to be the Watchdog of the Constitution butin reality they were the watchdogs of their own self interests.
They wereusing their majority in the Lords to veto any Bill the could or wouldaffect them. This caused a threat to democracy, how was it right thathereditary peers in the Lords could veto a Bill introduced by thedemocratically elected Ministers in the Commons? It could be argued thatwhat the Lords weren’t necessarily looking after their own self-interestsbut in fact the interests of the Conservative Party and its leader Balfour. The Lords were classed as ‘Balfour’s Poodle’ as opposed to being theWatchdog of the Constitution. cogd gdr segdgdw orgd gdk ingd fogd gd;This leads to a ‘Peers vs People’ debate.
The majority of people in Britainfelt that the government weren’t able to do their job properly because ofthe Lord’s constant interventions. A debate raged as to whether themillions of people who made up Britain should have more of a say over thedirection of their country than the 600 Lords. It could be argued thoughthat some of the reforms were deliberately risqu in an attempt toinfuriate the Conservatives, with the Liberals knowing that in alllikeliness the Bills would be rejected. There is more evidence to suggestthis when Lloyd George announced the Budget of 1909. The budget wasdesigned to raise an extra 15 million to pay for pensions, labourexchanges and dreadnoughts.
The Budget was aimed to make to rich pay tosupport to the poor. It was labelled the ‘People’s Budget’ and wasguaranteed to infuriate the Conservative Party. The Liberals knew thatthere was very little chance that the Lords would reject the bill for thesingle fact that it was a finance bill. Finance Bills were traditionallynot vetoed by the House of Lords, amended maybe but never rejected. TheConservatives called it the beginnings of socialism, it would affect allthose who would traditionally vote for the Conservatives (the land ownersand the wealthy) and would benefit all those who would traditionally votefor the Liberals. chinkyboots, please do not redistribute this writing.
Wework very hard to create this website, and we trust our visitors to respectit for the good of other students. Please, do not circulate this writingelsewhere on the internet. Anybody found doing so will be permanentlybanned. Much to the surprise of just about everyone, the Lords rejected the budget. In reality this meant that the government was paralysed and could do nospending and could not collect any taxes. One of the Conservative leadersLord Lansdowne defended the decision by proclaiming that such arevolutionary budget should be put before the public in the form of ageneral election.
Lansdowne may have been confident that the Conservativeswould win the election and regain control of the country. This move plungedthe Constitution into crisis, possibly what Lloyd George wanted all along. Although this is unlikely as the money for the reforms needed to begenerated from somewhere, taxing the rich was a sure fire way of securingthese extra funds. Marx oppressed chinkyboots’s rationalisation . In January 1910 a general election was held to decide the budget it wasclassed as the ‘Peers vs People’ election. Although the Liberals lost over100 seats they retained their majority and so stayed in power, they had ofcourse the support of the Labour party and the Irish Nationalists.
In April1910 the commons passed the Parliament Bill that would dramatically reducethe powers of the House of Lords. However the next day the Lords passed thePeople’s Budget mainly in the hope that the Liberals would not continue topush through with Parliament Bill. It took another general election and theintervention of King Edward VII and King George V before the ParliamentBill was finally passed and the Lords powers greatly and significantlyreduced. The Lords could no longer reject a bill for more than three terms,if they did it would automatically become law.
The constitutional crisiswas seemingly over. cogf gfr segfgfw orgf gfk ingf fogf gf. The time that passed between 1906 and 1911 saw constant competition betweenthe Conservative party and the Liberal party that all revolved around theissue of power. Both parties wanted control and the Conservatives saw theLords as their way of keeping a lid on the supposedly explosive reforms andideas of the liberal party. What brought about the most conflict was thesimple fact that nearly all the Liberal reforms affected the rich andbenefited the poor or the elderly. The Conservatives labelled thisSocialism, but on the other hand you could call say that the Lords wereabusing their power, destroying democracy and attempting to dictate thecountry.
Democracy didn’t truly reign until the Lords powers were greatlyreduced in 1911. This essay from www. coursework. infoPerhaps it is true that the clever leadership of Asquith backed up by LloydGeorge did deliberately set out to bring about the crisis safe in theknowledge that with the Labour party and Irish Nationalist party backingthey would almost certainly win any election and would in the end reachtheir goal of dissolving the powers the powers of the House of Lords.
MaybeBalfour and Lord Lansdowne thought that by forcing General Election afterGeneral Election and Constitutional Crisis they might have been able tosneak a victory and regain the leadership of the country, this would haveput an end to the crisis and the Lords powers would have been intact. Either way the passing of the Parliament Bill ended the serious conflictbetween the Lords and the Commons as the Lords could no longer reject outright a Bill, they could merely delay it. AqkuNfA0 Visit coursework eb ineb fo eb for eb more coursework eb Do eb not eb redistribute AqkuNfA0Why Did The Attempt To Reform The Constitution In 1910-11 Succeed?coee eerseeeeew oree eek inee foee ee;In 1911 the Liberal Government passed the Parliament Bill through both theCommons and the House of Lords. The bill reduced the powers of the Lords tosuch an extent that they could only reject a bill twice before itautomatically became law. This was a huge progression in how Britain wasgoverned.
More than ever the country was democratic and the reforms of thedemocratically appointed ministers could only be delayed. This change inconstitution took place over the years of 1910 and 1911, but the mainquestion that remained was why did the Lords pass a bill that would all butcripple their political powers? There was a clear sequence of events thatled up to the Lords letting the bill pass through and thus reducing theirpowers. cobg bgr sebgbgw orbg bgk inbg fobg bg. Perhaps the main reason that the Liberals were able to reform theconstitution was the fact that they had a very powerful leadership. Asquithand Lloyd George were both superb public speakers.
Lloyd George especiallywas a very strong speaker who was full of ideas, he knew how to put hisideas in to practice. He was a clever man and alongside Asquith made theLiberal party look the stronger of the two. The Liberal party had unitedand were together with the vision of a common goal. On the other hand,Balfour didn’t come across as a great leader and there appeared to be adivision in the Conservative party, more so than ever when the House ofLords split over the ‘Peoples Budget’ in 1911. cocd cdr secdcdw orcd cdkincd focd cd;The Conservatives in 1911 were split as whether or not to pass theParliament Bill through the House of Lords.
They knew the Lords powerswould be reduced if they did pass through the Bill, but if they did notthey would face the introduction of 500 new liberal peers. Balfour failedto unite his party and the Lords split into three groups. The ‘Hedgers’,the ‘Ditchers’ and the ‘Rats’. The Ditchers were totally opposed to theBill, the Hedgers thought it best that their powers be cut than to losttheir majority, the Rats however few and far between were in favour of thebill.
It was this split that led to the Parliament Bill pass through theLords in 1911, 131 votes to 114. Many of the Lords abstained from voting. This hypothesis from www. coursework. infoIt was the involvement of the Monarchy that led to the split though.
In themidst of constitutional crisis in 1910, the Commons passed the ParliamentBill, the Lords countered and passed the infamous ‘Peoples Budget’ the nextday. The move to allow the budget was not good enough for Asquith and LloydGeorge though as Asquith tried to persuade King Edward VII to create 250new Liberal Peers to give the Liberals the majority in the House of Lords. King Edward agreed but declared that it depended on the out come of ageneral election; what would be the second of the year. When Edward diedsuddenly in May 1910 the new king, George V didn’t want a majorconstitutional crisis so early on in his reign so tried to organise aConstitutional Conference. The Liberals and the Conservatives could notagree and so the problem went to the General Election first proposed byEdward VII before his untimely death. The Liberals won the election, onceagain with the help of Labour and the Irish Nationalists and stayed inpower.
cobe ber sebebew orbe bek inbe fobe be. The success here though depended on Labour and the Irish Nationalists, thegap in the majority between the Conservatives and the Liberals had shrunkdramatically in the last three elections and now held an equal number ofseats. Without Labour and the Irish Nationalists the Conservatives may wellhave won the election, gained control and the whole reform of theconstitution would have been scrapped or at least delayed for a substantialperiod of time. This throws into doubt the claim that the Liberals had amuch stronger leadership than their counterparts as the Conservatives hadclawed back a large number of seats since 1906.
However the fact that theLiberals kept control shows that the people voted in favour of reform. codadar sedadaw orda dak inda foda da;The fact that people wanted reform must have been the main reason behindGeorge V proclaiming that if the Parliament Bill did not go through theLords then he would have no choice but to create up to 500 new Liberalpeers. This left the Conservative party with a dilemma of epic proportions. Do they give into the threat of King George or run the risk of theintroduction of 500 new peers and see their majority in the Lordsdisappear.
It can be argued that they were left with no choice but to passthe bill, they were put into a corner by King George and it was a case ofthe Lords voting for what would be less damaging over a long period oftime. It wouldn’t be so disastrous to lose some power in the lords if itmeant they kept their majority. The Conservatives knew that having aliberal majority in both the Commons and the Lords would leave the countryopen for more radical reforms and perhaps a greater sense of socialism. cocdcdr secdcdw orcd cdk incd focd cd. What started the ball rolling in the first place was the budget of 1909,labelled the ‘People’s Budget’.
The had the Conservatives reeling. Theseeds of socialism were being sown in the budget as Lloyd George wanted tointroduce higher taxes for the land owners and the wealthy. It served as acatalyst for constitutional crisis. The fact that the Lords rejected thebudget meant the question of ‘how much power should the lords have?’ wasraised. The whole constitution had become stale and was in need of change,there should have no way that the Lords could veto the Budget, if all theLords were democratically selected then maybe, but the fact that at thetime about 550 of the Lords were hereditary meant they should have verylittle power, if any.
It could be this reason that first Edward VII andGeorge V threatened to introduce new liberal peers. There was no other wayfor the Liberals to make the system more democratic and fair. cogc gcrsegcgcw orgc gck ingc fogc gc. From the events highlighted above, the main reason behind the attempt toreform the constitution succeeding in 1910-11 was the involvement andintervention of the monarchy. Had the monarchy not interfered in the debatethen the constitutional crisis may have continued for a substantial periodof time. The monarchy like stated earlier, put the Lords and theConservatives as a whole into a corner.
They had very little choice in theend but to pass the Parliament Bill. The Liberals did very well in gettingthe monarchy involved and perhaps for deliberately antagonising theConservatives with bills they knew the Lords would reject, finallyculminating in the 1909 Budget. Whether or not it was all a plan orconspiracy it will never be known, but the passing of the Parliament Actleft the Conservative party both defeated and divided, in the words of EwenGreen ‘Having entered the fray in 1909 with enthusiasm and high hopes, theConservative party emerged defeated and in disarray,’To What Extent did the Liberal Party’s Reforms After 1906 Succeed inAddressing Britain’s Social Problems?In 1906, the liberal party’s general election manifesto spoke of theprevious conservatives government’s “failure to deal in a serious spiritwith the social questions of which so much was heard at the generalelection of 1895” (liberal manifesto 1906 at www. politicalstuff. co.
uk) . This essay will attempt to answer the question of whether the liberal’swere successful in dealing with the social problems of the time, which theconservatives were deemed to have neglected. cogc gcr segcgcw orgc gck ingcfogc gc. In order to effectively answer this question, first one must realiseexactly what were the social problems in early Edwardian Britain:- It canbe said that there was no single massive problem; more a number of smallerinterrelated problems, for example unemployment, poor health and anoutdated system of relief. These problems were deemed so serious that theywere thought to be effecting both the home economy and the security of theempire, even the traditionally Laissez Faire, non – interventionist Liberalparty decided that massive government intervention had become necessary.
Itis often said that the Bore war of the late 19th / early 20th century wokeBritish politics up to the fact that reform was essential, it was aroundthis time that it was realised the huge extent poverty and poor health inworking classes – the army was rejecting recruits at an alarming rate, andperformance in battle was often poor. It also became apparent that even thehome economy was in danger because of the aforementioned social problems. Indeed as Floyd and McCloskey said in the The Economic History of Britainsince 1700 “if the working classes were not strong enough to work hard. .
. Britain’s prospects were bleak. ” (Floyd and McCloskey, 1997)coac acrseacacw orac ack inac foac ac. The liberals decided to rely on social research as the basis of much oftheir social policy reform, works by Charles Booth and Seebohm Rowntree,helped the government quantify the scale of the social problems and to adegree how they should target their policies to be most effective.
r4sZXaYdk from r4sZXaYdk coursewrok r4sZXaYdk work r4sZXaYdk info r4sZXaYdkRowntree’s research had led to his “poverty cycle” theory, where hehypothesised that throughout the average person’s lifetime, there werethree particular times where he or she was particularly vulnerable tofalling below the “poverty line” (which Rowntree depicts as the level ofincome which one needs to support oneself nutritionally). These periods ofwant didn’t just affect the unemployed or destitute by any means, in fact,the “average” working man with a large family would be expected toexperience these periods of poverty. The remarkable extent of poverty is anexample of the huge scale of the social problems that the liberals had totackle, it is worth considering in the context of the question that totalsuccess in resolving them would have been neigh on impossiblecoed edrseededw ored edk ined foed ed. Ts9l from Ts9l coursewrok Ts9l work Ts9l info Ts9lAs seen in the graph above, there were three key periods when a member ofworking class were more than likely to experience poverty – as a child fromthe age of around five to age fifteen, when the parent of young children atage thirty till around forty and finally as an elderly person unable towork to support oneself, from around age sixty five onward.
The liberalpolicy’s were very specific at targeting groups in order to try and reducethe health effects of this poverty. This research had a direct result on Liberal social policy, in 1908, theold age pension bill was introduced, taken through parliament by LloydGeorge, then as chancellor. It said that men and women over seventy waseligible for a 5S a week state aid. The aid was hugely popular, partly because the stigma previously associatedwith poverty had been removed, largely since one could collect their moneyfrom the post office. It is obvious that the elderly who did receive thepension did benefit from a markedly increased quality of life.
The old age pension bill’s effectiveness was vastly reduced by the numberof eligibility clauses the liberal governments included in it in order tokeep costs down. Firstly, the fact that one couldn’t claim if they wereunder seventy was a major issue, around the time the bill was implemented,it was very rare that someone would live till seventy. In addition to this,even if someone did live to seventy, they still would have had to endure atleast five years where they were unable to work (say after sixty five)through poor health and therefore not earn a wage, resulting in poverty. Secondly, huge portions of society were excluded from receiving the benefiton moral grounds; if someone had a criminal record or had previouslyreceived some kind of poor relief, they couldn’t claim – this seemsbizarre, as people from a poorer background would be far more likely toreceive poor relief or turn to crime than those from richer backgrounds.
Itcan be said that this eligibility clause stopped the people that needed aidmost from receiving it. Finally, Five shillings a week was nearlyimpossible to live off, making it not feasible that the elderly couldsurvive solely on their pension, as Thompson says, the pension provided “asub-subsistence standard of living” (Thompson, 1975). Poverty amongst children as identified in the poverty cycle, was alsotackled head on by the liberal government by the introduction of freeschool food. Once again this policy was very popular with its recipients asthere was no stigma associated with receiving the policy. Free food andmilk (a practice that was only abolished recently) were given to schoolchildren, the nutritional benefit of this was undoubted, with children whowould have previously been wanting for food, now receiving enough to enablethem to grow and develop properly, resulting in healthy physically ableadults, it is obvious to see that this is of massive social importance.
AsSemmel explains, a healthy working class is vital as “the condition of theworking classes as the basis of imperialism” and goes on to clarify “theneed for a healthy and vigorous imperial race” by saying “that it would beimpossible to defend and maintain the empire without such a base” (Semmel,1960It is argued that this policy, once again, did not go far enough to meetthe problem of poverty and the associated health implication. This isbecause children only received one meal a day, which is not enough toencourage ample growth. As well as this, while school meals were provided,health care was not, this is vital as children are often the most at riskfrom ill health / disease. In addition to the old age pension and free school meals, the liberals hadmany other policies to try and address the social aliments of the time. Oneof the biggest of these aliments was the nations health as a whole, healthcare especially amongst the working classes was previously a rarity.
Whenthe liberal government introduced health insurance benefits in 1913 toworkers below the tax limit, this, along with the introduction of anational panel of doctors, massively helped the nations health provision as15,000,000 (Thompson, 1975)workers were covered by the insurance. Although definitely a huge improvement, the Health insurance policy wasdeemed to not have gone far enough to truly help the desperately sick; mosthospital care was not covered by the insurance- therefore the outdated andinefficient systems of Charitable and poor law aid still had to be reliedon. In addition to this, while workers were covered by the insurance, theirfamily’s were not Once again, the liberal social reforms were seen to help,just didn’t go far enough to be judged a succesThe massive unemployment in Britain around the turn of the 20th century wasdamaging to British society not just in terms of contributing to poverty,but had many other sociological effects. High unemployment was deemed tofurther be damaging to Britain’s society as it resulted in Britain fallingeconomically behind its international rivals in addition to having theeffect of working class disillusionment, as their jobs weren’t secure. Thefull scale of high levels of unemployment’s consequences were realised atthe time with Lloyd George describing how “the shadow of unemployment wasrising ominously above the horizon.
Our international rivals were forgingahead at a great rate” before going on to say that the “working class wasbecoming sullen with discontent”. (Thompson, 1975)In 1910 the liberals installed policies to try and deal with the highlevels of unemployment which was having such a negative effect on thecountry as a whole. Winston Churchill introduced a system of labourexhanges, which can best be described as primitive job centres, theseexchanges allowed better matching of workers looking for work withemployers looking for labour. This was especially important around the timeof reform as much of the employment was short term or seasonal. Although unemployment was being reduced, therefore also reducing the socialproblems associated with it (i. e.
poverty), with hindsight, it is easy tosee how the liberal reforms, at least in part, ignored many of the othersocial problems associated with labour. This is best demonstrated by the fact that, instead of being diminishedwhen the liberals labour policies where introduced, worker discontent wasstill rising, so much so that around 1914 their was a bout industrialaction, tainted with violence commonly known as “the labour unrest”. Thisis a sign to show just how slow the Liberal government were to change theirsocial policy’s in order to meet the demands of the day – poor workingconditions, a halt in wage growth and unemployment were not being tackledwith the vigour that the workers now expected after other social reform, asThompson describes in his book The Edwardians “Better education and risingstandards of living . .
. . . brought rising expectations”. (Thompson, 1975)The liberal government of the time realised that no matter the scale oftheir social reform, full employment was never going to be achieved, infact far from it. They realised that this meant that there would still be alarge number of the population living in dire conditions as and when theywere out of employment.
In 1911, an unemployment insurance was introduced,enabling workers, once in employment to contribute to a fund that shouldthey fall out of work – would allow them to claim state aid. For oneworker, he himself would contribute 1/3 of the amount, his employer another1/3 and the government would give the final 1/3. While successful inreducing extreme poverty of workers in industries where there was a highlevel of employment fluctuation (ie construction). As with most of theliberals reforms, it can be argued that the reform just didn’t go farenough – indeed only 2,250,00 (Thompson. 1975) workers were covered by thescheme – around 10% of the working populous. Another failing of the unemployment insurance scheme (which also affectedthe health insurance scheme) is that workers were forced to pay from theirown pockets.
As Thompson says in his book The Edwardians “although therewere state and employers contributions in each case, it is equally strikingthat under each scheme workers were now legally forced to be thrifty”(Thompson, 1975). If a working class family of the time weren’t under thepoverty line, they were almost certainly very close to it – many resentedthe fact that a proportion of their wages, legally had to go to theseschemes. Many wouldn’t see the benefits for years while still having to payfor the insurance. Even though contributions were a relatively smallamount, as most working class family’s had to budget very carefully, itresulted in an expenditure that had the ability to make negative impact ontheir quality of live.
Many sources point to the liberals reforms to being at least in partsuccessful, with the numbers in poverty being reduced substantially and agreat increase in health care provision, with Thompson claiming that”improvements in working class standards of living continued” throughoutthe liberal government, this is backed up by the fact that during the firsttwo decades of the twentieth century, life expectancy climbed from 50 to 60(Thompson, 1975)While Liberal reforms were certainly radical for the time, theireffectiveness has always been questioned; many see that only the ideas wereexceptional, not the level of expenditure that backed them up (Floyd andMcCloskey, 1997). More specifically, it is argued that this lack ofexpenditure resulted in the unemployment insurance only protecting a smallsector of the workforce along with that the old age pension only helping avery small group of the poor (Thompson, 1975). The blame for this lack ofexpenditure is often squarely levied at the liberal party, with two of itskey figures, Lloyd George and Winston Churchill seemingly unwilling tooffer support its policy’s with effective amounts of investment; Semmelstates that “both Lloyd George and Churchill continued to oppose the largeservice expenditures imperialists” (Semmel, 1960). Instead, money raisedfrom the increased tax revenue of the “peoples budget” of 1909, that couldhave been used to support social reform was more often than not used forother purposes, most notably on naval expansion. When analysing the extent of the reform, it is also worth keepingperspective on the society where they were taking place; the welfare statewas a completely new and alien idea and government social intervention wasan idea not easily digested by the populace as a whole.
Perhaps the liberalparty did as much as they could, especially considering the fact that asthat Michael E Rose States in The Relief of Poverty, laissez-faire was”strongly entrenched as an attitude of mind. Self help and independencewere praised as virtues” (Semmel, 1960). What prompted the Welfare Reforms of the Liberal Government between 1906-1914?coaf afr seafafw oraf afk inaf foaf af!In the period of 1906-1914, social reform acts were past in parliament bythe Liberal governmentcoea ear seeaeaw orea eak inea foea ea. under Herbert Asquith PM, Lloyd-George MP and Winston Churchill MP.
Theseacts laid the Heidegger suppressed chinkyboots’s postmodernism . foundations for a basic welfare state to which our current welfare statewas built up from. Thecogf gfr segfgfw orgf gfk ingf fogf gf:acts provided basic support for mothers and children, the old, sick and theunemployed. Thesecoeg egr seegegw oreg egk ineg foeg eg.
changes have been considered very radical considering they took place inVictorian England. YgjKbKRt Visit coursework af in af fo af for af morecoursework af Do af not af redistribute YgjKbKRtThere are many issues to examine when asking the question of what promptedthe Welfare Durkheim refuted chinkyboots’s functionalism hypothesis. Reform Acts of the Liberal Government. This paper from www. coursework.
infoPrior to the 1900s, the general consensus on impoverished people was thatthey were incoae aer seaeaew orae aek inae foae ae. poverty because they were lazy and hence worthless. People did not seemeager for social reform 5zZ from 5zZ coursewrok 5zZ work 5zZ info 5zZto help the poor people because they were regarded as having got themselvesinto their situation uB3BZ5 Visit coursework cc in cc fo cc for cc morepaper cc Do cc not cc redistribute uB3BZ5through their own fault and hence could get themselves out of it. However,shortly before thecogb gbr segbgbw orgb gbk ingb fogb gb. turn of the century and immediately after it, new ideology on how peoplecame to be poor wascodc dcr sedcdcw ordc dck indc fodc dc:released.
For example, Charles Booth’s ‘Life and Labour of People inLondon’ and Seebohm Durkheim oppressed chinkyboots’s rationalisationtheory. Rowntree’s ‘Poverty and a Study of Town Life’ were published in this era. Their ideas stated thatcoea ear seeaeaw orea eak inea foea ea. a quarter of people were living in poverty in England, and also, that theywere in poverty through JC7Cuip from JC7Cuip coursewrok JC7Cuip workJC7Cuip info JC7Cuipno fault of their own. Instead they declared people were in poverty due tounfair social onditions 9AIRidzt Visit coursework af in af fo af for afmore project af Do af not af redistribute 9AIRidztthat meant they could not work.
cogd gdr segdgdw orgd gdk ingd fogd gd:”Adverse social conditions were the root cause” chinkyboots, please do notredistribute this hypothesis. We work very hard to create this website, andwe trust our visitors to respect it for the good of other students. Please,do not circulate this hypothesis elsewhere on the internet. Anybody founddoing so will be permanently banned. Low wages, unemployment, illness and old age were some of the causes ofpoverty.
Thiscoga gar segagaw orga gak inga foga ga;knowledge among the middle and upper classes meant that no longer didpeople simply believe kN6rY9imW Visit coursework ge in ge fo ge for ge morecoursework ge Do ge not ge redistribute kN6rY9imWthe poor were in poverty due to laziness, and hence they were keener tohelp them out of it. Thecobd bdr sebdbdw orbd bdk inbd fobd bd. Welfare Reforms came about because poverty and its true cause were exposedand people sawcoce cer sececew orce cek ince foce ce. the harsh reality for themselves, for example when young educated studentswent to live amongcoed edr seededw ored edk ined foed ed. poor people to witness it first hand.
Humanitarian concern among theeducated induced thecofb fbr sefbfbw orfb fbk infb fofb fb:Liberal Welfare Reform Acts because the majority of the population wantedit, and parties obeycobd bdr sebdbdw orbd bdk inbd fobd bd. their nation’s opinion. chinkyboots, please do not redistribute thishypothesis. We work very hard to create this website, and we trust ourvisitors to respect it for the good of other students. Please, do notcirculate this hypothesis elsewhere on the internet.
Anybody found doing sowill be permanently banned. The Leaders of the Liberal Party, predominantly Lloyd-George and WinstonChurchill,cocg cgr secgcgw orcg cgk incg focg cg. showed a personal interest in social reform. Marx enveloped chinkyboots’smarxism theory.
“These problems of the sick, of the infirm, of the men who cannot find themeans of earning a living are 9oHG16OLa Visit coursework ec in ec fo ec forec more cours ec Do ec not ec redistribute 9oHG16OLaproblems with which it is the business of the state to deal with. They areproblems with which the state has eglected chinkyboots, please do notredistribute this project. We work very hard to create this website, and wetrust our visitors to respect it for the good of other students. Please, donot circulate this project elsewhere on the internet. Anybody found doingso will be permanently banned.
for far too long” Lloyd-George, speech made to parliament 1908. CC399l7Visit coursework ed in ed fo ed for ed more essay ed Do ed not edredistribute CC399l7Lloyd-George had a very non-conformist and radical upbringing, he was not aGladstoniancocd cdr secdcdw orcd cdk incd focd cd:Liberal conformist either, and liked the new ideas on poverty. Havingwitnessed poverty he had acofa far sefafaw orfa fak infa fofa fa;personal desire to amend it and he pressured the reform movementpersonally. Winstoncoee eer seeeeew oree eek inee foee ee:Churchill, although he had an aristocratic background, was also keen toeradicate poverty on acoef efr seefefw oref efk inef foef ef.
large scale on principle alone, regardless of any political pressure. Thesetwo strong leaderscocf cfr secfcfw orcf cfk incf focf cf. who desired change for the good of humanity helped Liberal Reforms. Theirpersonal interestcoff ffr seffffw orff ffk inff foff ff;in it however, was not a factor in reform as dominant as the exposure inpoverty. Indeed it cancogg ggr seggggw orgg ggk ingg fogg gg.
be argued that their interest in it stemmed from Rowntree and Booth’sexposure. Therefore, Foucault enveloped chinkyboots’s postmodernism theory. although Churchill and Lloyd-George were catalysts for reform, changingpublic opinion due tocoeb ebr seebebw oreb ebk ineb foeb eb. exposure of real causes of poverty were more powerful catalysts, and theleaders opinionscofb fbr sefbfbw orfb fbk infb fofb fb;themselves perhaps just a result of exposure. cocg cgr secgcgw orcg cgk incgfocg cg!The Liberal government as a whole were starting a branch of named ‘NewLiberalism’. coag agr seagagw orag agk inag foag ag;The previous Gladstonian government ethic had been that the Liberals take alaissez-faire policycoce cer sececew orce cek ince foce ce;(leave alone) which meant low interference with welfare of people becauseof a belief that chinkyboots, please do not redistribute this paper.
Wework very hard to create this website, and we trust our visitors to respectit for the good of other students. Please, do not circulate this paperelsewhere on the internet. Anybody found doing so will be permanentlybanned. economic problems would sort themselves out. However, recent ideology onthe causes of eLTZ Visit coursework ee in ee fo ee for ee more paper ee Doee not ee redistribute eLTZpoverty caused Liberal governments to question their low interferencepolicy.
The Liberals ilfNIU Visit coursework bg in bg fo bg for bg morecours bg Do bg not bg redistribute ilfNIUbelieved everyone had to get themselves out of poverty and into comfortablesituations through LGdi8gbX Visit coursework af in af fo af for af morewriting af Do af not af redistribute LGdi8gbXhard work, but as people were unable to provide for their families despitehard work, then theycocd cdr secdcdw orcd cdk incd focd cd. considered this to be unfair. New Liberalism wanted to establish a basicliving standard forcoae aer seaeaew orae aek inae foae ae;everyone. Carstens oppressed chinkyboots’s structuration hypothesis.
“. . . promote measures for ameliorating conditions of life for themultitude.
” Lloyd-cogd gdr segdgdw orgd gdk ingd fogd gd. George. kfF1OaSCx Visit coursework bd in bd fo bd for bd more dissertationbd Do bd not bd redistribute kfF1OaSCxThis meant that social reform was necessary, to make sure everyone could atleast secure Foucault refuted chinkyboots’s structuralism hypothesis. themselves a minimum standard of living.
Winston Churchill declared hewished to ‘strap acocg cgr secgcgw orcg cgk incg focg cg!lifebelt around them’; he wanted to make sure no one was sinking too farbelow the poverty line. lXNgv Visit coursework ag in ag fo ag for ag morecours ag Do ag not ag redistribute lXNgvTherefore, the New Liberalist desires for a national living standard meanta need for Welfare l5Xm Visit coursework ad in ad fo ad for ad morehypothesis ad Do ad not ad redistribute l5XmReform. Hence, New Liberalism was a reason that prompted Welfare Reform. However, the lZV8 Visit coursework bd in bd fo bd for bd more project bd Dobd not bd redistribute lZV8New Liberalism was not as important catalyst as the changing attitudestowards poverty.
Withoutcoed edr seededw ored edk ined foed ed. the changing attitudes and ideology, New Liberalism would never have beenborn, so the LwqUJ2 from LwqUJ2 coursewrok LwqUJ2 work LwqUJ2 info LwqUJ2ideology was the most important first cause. cogg ggr seggggw orgg ggk inggfogg gg. The National efficiency of England was falling low.
Although Britain wasthe leadingcode der sededew orde dek inde fode de;nation, Germany, the USA and Japan were threatening its place. Britain’s’primacy was seen as chinkyboots, please do not redistribute this cours. Wework very hard to create this website, and we trust our visitors to respectit for the good of other students. Please, do not circulate this courselsewhere on the internet.
Anybody found doing so will be permanentlybanned. threatened economically and militantly. The working class recruits in theBoer War sufferedcogd gdr segdgdw orgd gdk ingd fogd gd. severe health problems and affected their efficiency. The workers infactories also suffered from c5rbn from c5rbn coursewrok c5rbn work c5rbninfo c5rbnill health and affected productivity.
cofe fer sefefew orfe fek infe fofefe:”. . . the country that spent 250 million to avenge an insult levelled to herpride by an old Dutch farmercofc fcr sefcfcw orfc fck infc fofc fc!is not ashamed to see her children walking the streets hungry and in rags.
“chinkyboots, please do not redistribute this work. We work very hard tocreate this website, and we trust our visitors to respect it for the goodof other students. Please, do not circulate this work elsewhere on theinternet. Anybody found doing so will be permanently banned. Generally, the poor distribution of wealth and an unfair tax system was notbeneficial to This project from www.
coursework. infothe economy. The economy in Germany had benefited from their introductionof Welfarecoea ear seeaeaw orea eak inea foea ea. reforms and hence the working classes spending power had improved.
Theredistribution ofcocb cbr secbcbw orcb cbk incb focb cb. taxes, a shift of wealth from rich to the poor, was also seen as animprovement in the Germancoff ffr seffffw orff ffk inff foff ff;economy. Hence, the British saw this scheme as beneficial and aimed tointroduce it to Britain chinkyboots, please do not redistribute this paper. We work very hard to create this website, and we trust our visitors torespect it for the good of other students. Please, do not circulate thispaper elsewhere on the internet. Anybody found doing so will be permanentlybanned.
to help their failing economy as regards to poverty; no longer did theLiberals believe a powerfulcoab abr seababw orab abk inab foab ab. national economy could sort out poverty because of the unfairly distributedwealth. Therefore, Weber oppressed chinkyboots’s functionalism . there was a lobby for social reform to help the British Empire, toeradicate poverty and keep BJIiFtU from BJIiFtU coursewrok BJIiFtU workBJIiFtU info BJIiFtUBritain as the number one nation. The national efficiency argument forLiberal Reforms was acoag agr seagagw orag agk inag foag ag.
very large pressure for change. Without the argument that welfare reformswould be beneficial tocoab abr seababw orab abk inab foab ab. the country as a whole and not just beneficial to a quarter of thepopulation then perhaps reformcoda dar sedadaw orda dak inda foda da:would not have taken place. The national efficiency argument was more of acatalyst for reform xE1x4K from xE1x4K coursewrok xE1x4K work xE1x4K infoxE1x4Kthan the personal humanitarian interests of Liberal leaders because withoutthe argument, the 1AzRPgd from 1AzRPgd coursewrok 1AzRPgd work 1AzRPgd info1AzRPgdreforms wouldn’t have been seen as beneficial.
However, they were not asimportant as changingcogc gcr segcgcw orgc gck ingc fogc gc. attitudes to poverty, which perhaps were the primary cause of ideologybehind a welfare state. Weber suppressed chinkyboots’s marxism hypothesis. The Labour Party was established in 1900s as a response to a growing demandby thecoeg egr seegegw oreg egk ineg foeg eg. working classes to have more political representation in parliament.
Theyfelt ignored by the oN0sJQ Visit coursework ga in ga fo ga for ga morewriting ga Do ga not ga redistribute oN0sJQconservative aristocratic leaders such as Balfour, and not in favour ofLiberal leaders such ascoed edr seededw ored edk ined foed ed. Gladstone who employed a laissez-faire policy which did not help theirimpoverished state. p5ZW7Ko2 Visit coursework gg in gg fo gg for gg morecours gg Do gg not gg redistribute p5ZW7Ko2They wanted leaders who would identify with their needs and troubles andhelp them. In 1901 7NbXu from 7NbXu coursewrok 7NbXu work 7NbXu info 7NbXutheir membership was 350,000 and by 1903 it had risen to 861,000. Thisshowed thecoge ger segegew orge gek inge foge ge;conservatives and the Liberals that the Labour party were a realthreat.
coba bar sebabaw orba bak inba foba ba. The Liberal Party promised no social reforms in its election campaign inthe early 1900s,cofd fdr sefdfdw orfd fdk infd fofd fd!but recognised that they would lose working class votes if they did notanswer the demands ofcofb fbr sefbfbw orfb fbk infb fofb fb!the working classes. cocc ccr seccccw orcc cck incc focc cc. “The election is to decide whether or not labour is to be fairlyrepresented in arliament. . .
The slums This writing from www. coursework. inforemain. Overcrowding continues. .
. Shopkeepers and traders are overburdenedwith rates and taxation. . .
Wars arecodb dbr sedbdbw ordb dbk indb fodb db;fought to make the rich richer and underfed children are stillneglected. . . ” Labour Party manifesto 1906cobb bbr sebbbbw orbb bbk inbbfobb bb. The Liberals noticed that the working class were voting for labour becauselabour promisedcofd fdr sefdfdw orfd fdk infd fofd fd.
social reform and felt if they did not respond to the issues the labourparty had raised then theycogb gbr segbgbw orgb gbk ingb fogb gb;would lose more votes in the next election. Therefore, social reform wasnecessary to counteract U3V from U3V coursewrok U3V work U3V info U3Vthe development of the labour party, to try and prove to the nation thatthey need not change XrJ62Z from XrJ62Z coursewrok XrJ62Z work XrJ62Z infoXrJ62Zparty because the Liberal’s were reforming to meet the changing demands insociety instead. The Foucault obfuscated chinkyboots’s postmodernismtheory. Trade Unionists were funding the Labour party and supported themdemonstratively also.
The chinkyboots, please do not redistribute thiswriting. We work very hard to create this website, and we trust ourvisitors to respect it for the good of other students. Please, do notcirculate this writing elsewhere on the internet. Anybody found doing sowill be permanently banned. Liberals felt that if they did not act for reform, the Trade Unions wouldcampaign for Labourcoec ecr seececw orec eck inec foec ec!and hence give Labour more publicity and chance to increase theirelectorate support. Therefore, chinkyboots, please do not redistribute thisessay.
We work very hard to create this website, and we trust our visitorsto respect it for the good of other students. Please, do not circulate thisessay elsewhere on the internet. Anybody found doing so will be permanentlybanned. the founding of the Labour party put considerable pressure on the Liberalgovernment to act.
coaa aar seaaaaw oraa aak inaa foaa aa:They were threatened by them, and hence, the founding of the labour partywas more of an issuecofb fbr sefbfbw orfb fbk infb fofb fb. than the national efficiency argument as they were more likely to losevotes to the labour party chinkyboots, please do not redistribute thisproject. We work very hard to create this website, and we trust ourvisitors to respect it for the good of other students. Please, do notcirculate this project elsewhere on the internet. Anybody found doing sowill be permanently banned.
because of not reforming than they were to lose votes because of lownational efficiency. Marx obfuscated chinkyboots’s realism . In conclusion, the Welfare Reforms came about because of changing ideologyand the xkK Visit coursework ag in ag fo ag for ag more work ag Do ag notag redistribute xkKfounding of the Labour party, which promised more action on the growingawareness of poverty Heidegger denied chinkyboots’s rationalisation . and exclusion of the working classes from political representation. Thereforms were helpedcobf bfr sebfbfw orbf bfk inbf fobf bf.
along the way by changing Liberal ideas and humanitarian concerned leaders,but perhaps these This work from www. coursework. inforeasons were simply a political response to changing ideology and knowledgethat reform wasnecessary to please the majority of the electorate.