To provide guidance, Kimenyi & Scott (2001), in their book, ‘Anatomy of Genocide, State-sponsored mass-killings in the twentieth century,’ share several Scholars’ essays to explain details on the Rwandan Genocide in 1994. The author points out the Rwandan government and Christian churches united to commit unlawful, atrocious acts of killing over one million Tutsis and Hutu extremists. The authors highlight the jurists failed to conduct a formal inquiry of the early on signs accurately and recognized the event was an act of Genocide, not a separate humanitarian crisis. (p. 281)
Kimenyi & Scott (2001) explains how this event shows the World the difference between a group identified as political prisoners or prisoners of war, by sharing a statement written by Jan Pronk, the Development Cooperation in the Netherlands, about how the horrible event of the Holocaust made the International global World stand up and ‘never say again.'(p.188) However, that’s not what happened, even with the United Nations are coming up with a new definition and the development of the eight categories of the early warning sign of Genocide. (p.191)
The twentieth century saw it once again acting complicit and turning a blind eye to deaths from war, massacres, and Genocide in Rwanda, making this event another Century of horrible actions with no relief or accountability. The effects of genocide and mass murders will be long-standing and deep-seated humanitarian tragedies. In this paper, I address these questions:
- Kimenyi and Scott'(2001) What are the author’s main arguments?
- As Cooperative institutions did the Christian churches, the International Community, and the United Nations, give a reasonable narrative explaining why the dominant ideology of racialized ethnic identities of colonialism was useful or necessary, during the Genesis Rwanda? If it did not, why not?
- What role did Belgium play in the Rwandan conflict and motivating the Rwandan Genocide? And,
- What role, if any, did the Christian churches, as Evangelization, play a role in promoting a ‘social imagination,’ that valued religious identity, or truths, over the dominant European colonial ideology?
I argue the actions of the State and Churches of post-genocide and after; serve as both an obstacle, smoke, and mirrors when they should have to be a reliable resource in provided a significant awareness to the Global community of early warning signs and indicators of Genocide followed by trauma recovery.
Kimenyi and Scott,(2001) point out in plain language through they trying to keep the light on the victims of the Rwanda genocide, where thousands upon thousands of men, women, and children were brutally massacred over four months from ‘April to July 1994.’ (p.279) The author shares another point made by Pronk, stating shockingly. At the same time, the global World took a front-row seat, as it unfolded, and the state was executing the systematic slaughter of Tutsi, with savageness and barbaric acts. With the main perpetrators consisted of state-funded militias, local government, extremist allies, and the Christian churches. (p.194) Kimenyi and Scott, (2001) argue the biggest failure is the World should have taken note of the Holocaust, through outlining the critical importance that led to the Holocaust, because the Rwanda genocide shares certain common elements. These similarities and early warning signs should never be overlooked and denied again, allowing the opportunity to sound out the alarm of any cruises to prevent another genocide. (p.194)
Kimenyi and Scott (2001) draw on several articles, such as Augustin Kamongi, ‘Why did the international community fail Rwanda and continues to do it?’ Kamongi wants the readers to understand the violent killing of the Tutsi was made with such speed and exceptional in its brutality, by the civilian, militant group Hutu, who were state sponsored by the pre-genocide government of Rwanda’s army. However, there were so many similarities to all Genocide before this time. From the Classification of the Tutsis and Hutus into group identities, the Belgians launch a system of ethnic identity cards differentiating Hutus from Tutsis. (p.189)
Followed by dehumanizing the Tutis, with brutal beatings and calling them by stereotyped names like, ‘vermin or rats, ‘inyenzi’—cockroaches.’ (p. 187) If the other group is not human, then killing them is not murder. it was planned with death list, and the perpetrators deny they committed the crimes. (192) Kamongi shows, with all of these warning signs, the International Community, failed to act quickly and they denied knowing the Genocide was taking place. Kamongi points to a fax sent by the UN Peacekeeping that clearly stated the Hutu Power genocides were well prepared and began the slaughter immediately, catastrophically, the UN inadequately interpreted the messages of the killing to be ‘spontaneous and not organized killings.’ (189)
No narration or explanation could prove these actions are acceptable. Likewise, these killings happen right under the Christian churches noses in a part of nations in Africa with one of the most profound regions were the evangelical Christianity had a deep root influence early on and established itself as one of the dominant religious institutions before the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. (p.283)
Kimenyi and Scott, (2001) stated, the International media also control the local newspaper, radio station encouraging local people to wipe out the Tutsi. The International media fail to accurately report on the Genocide playing it down to tribal rivalries, further assisting the government to continue the slaughter of the Tutsi and choosing not to do their job to let the global community, you know. (p.190-191) Likewise, Belgium media attempted to campaign revisionism to make others forget what had happened that led to the Genocide in Rwanda and tell another story about those who contributed and eluded Rwanda’s justice system. (p.193)
Kimenyi and Scott (2001) share another principal argument in ‘The Rwandan Genocide: A Test Case for Evangelization by Elisee Rutagambwa, S.J is to explain why so many Christians parishes and leaders took an overwhelming position in ethnic and not a purely spiritual form. Instead, they join with government officials, soldiers, and civilian militia in facilitating and taking part in the violence, directing it more narrowly on one minority ethnic group–the Tutsi.
Rutagambwa tells us, to truly understand, you must look at the history of how Christian engagement in Rwanda has always had a long, durable bond to Christianity missionary, starting with the Belgian colonization. Belgium gave the Church has the authority to handle the administration over the problems surrounding poverty, peace, and security. (p.279) Rutagambwa states, this is apparent in the remarks by Father Ugirashebuja “Churches and the State cooperated in extending control over the population, regulating their behavior…”, (p. 283) as well as the statement by saying “it has considerable privileges such as the quasi-monopoly of education, powerful audience among the political elite, possession of much-unused land, and the important exemptions in the tax system”( p 282), which made the churches very powerful.
The Belgian colonies and the Christian Church ruled through the Tutsi elites who ruled over the Hutu. (p. 279-290) However, tensions would arise between the Tutsi and the churches because the Tutsi were seeking Independence. (p.281) To maintain influence and power and keep essential moral authority and real control over the people meant the Church’s becoming complicity and supported the Genocide to secure their power. (p.282-284) These systems produced in administration and personal relationship that blocked any chance for the Tutsi people to rely on the churches to help them. The Church acted and went against every value that their mission of Evangelization is supposed to represent.
Rutaganbwa states before the European colonizers arrived in the 19th century, the Tutsi and the Hutus shared similar languages and the Christian faith. (p.282) However, this all change when the Hutus overthrew the Tutsi, and many fled to neighboring countries, including Uganda. While they were refugees, they formed the Rwandan Patriotic Front headed by President Paul Kagame, their goal was overthrown to the current government running Rwandan, so there could return to their homeland. However, it first ended in peace of The Arusha Accords accord in 1990; ultimately, the peace accords failed in the worst way, the unrest continued.
Under these conditions, the event that sparked the Genesis was a plane crash in 1994, which killed two members of the Hutu group, Rwanda’s President Habyarimana and Burundian president Cyprien Ntaryamira, triggering of the frenzy of killing, starting Rwanda genocide, with a well-organized Slaughter campaign by the military Hutu. Because the Hutu believed and seniors before their time and anything in between rebels, led by the current president, Paul Kagame, of the attack, arrest warrants were issued for several people close to him, and RPF blame the Hutu. So, they would have an excuse to start the Genesis, which confirmed four years late by a French judge inquiry. Eventually, the French were fighting for power, so they send troops to Rwanda; Rwanda later accuses France of protecting genocide suspects. Rwanda joins Commonwealth; restores diplomatic ties with France.
The president of France and the Genocide in those countries is not an essential international community (p. 191-192). Therefore, France could put on suspects who shot down the plane. The horrifyingly wicked killing had no boundaries; they killed baby before they were born and seniors and any Tutsi in between. Neighbors killed neighbors, and some husbands killed their wives so that they would not be killed. During the Genocide, most utmost religious institutions remained silent, failing to criticize the violence and sometimes even supporting the government’s genocidal actions, which were not unique for the Church at this time. Massacres transpired in several religious buildings and facilities across the country. Most of the people who killed called themselves Christians and attended services. More disturbingly, priests and pastors occasionally directly participated in the massacres or provided material and moral support to the people who were.
Which baits a question of how the International Community would let this happen but start with the UN. In actuality, the UN and Belgium have forces on the grounds in Rwanda; however, their mission was not as claims we’re not giving the mandate to intervene and the political affairs or stop the killing. But he sent a telegram to the UN office in New York warning about the military of the Hutu planning to exterminate the Tutis. (p.189) They did get a reply to the peacekeeping office, acknowledging that they received the information.
Still, they failed to act on the recommendations, which we know from history. All their warnings came true. (p.189-190) The French, who were also on the ground, did nothing to stop the slaughter. (p.192) Thus, meanwhile, the United States even fail to stop the Massacre, as they did not want to get involved in other African conflicts. Another significant factor that made this possible was Rhonda has always been a tight be controlled organized country much like a pyramid from each region up to the president, plus the mind and turn them into a backed-up state-run militia group, who carry out the most of the sizeable horrendous slaughter.